What future is a regime that kills his youth offers? The question keeps arising as blood has been flowing in Iran for more than two months now. Suppress, the power regime usually knows how to do it. No Iranian and no Iranian certainly doubts her determination to crush the voices that dispute him. But a spring, that of fear, no longer seems to respond, as the wave of anger in progress seems powerful.
lifted by death on September 16 in Tehran of a young woman, Mahsa Amini, arrested by the Police of mores for having wore the compulsory veil in Iran in a manner deemed inappropriate, a background blade seems to agglomerate a sum resentments accumulated for decades. The resentments of an horizon private urban youth in a pariah and padlocked country, such as the resentments of mistreated ethnic minorities, whether kurds or baloutches.
Faced with this anger, the Ali Khamenei guide regime was immediately unable to offer something other than baton. How could he be otherwise when his maintenance in power has long been his only concern, whatever the cost for his people. This is evidenced by his determination to acquire the life insurance that would constitute control of nuclear weapons, despite his denials, at the cost of heavy international sanctions devastating for Iranian society?
The legitimacy conferred by the 1979 Revolution which had driven out a hated monarch has been dissolved for a long time, just like that arising from the religious principle of the Velayat-E Faqih, of the “Docte Government”, embodied today by a Guide to his twilight when he has never been recognized by his peers as a “source of imitation”. This Islamic Republic, which has become in a few weeks the third prison in the world for the press, behind China and Burma according to Reporters Without Borders, is based only on the repressive capacity of a power including the elite body of the guards of the Revolution, strong of their grip on the economy and their militia, the bassidji, constitutes the spine.
ruthless repression
Ossified, this diet is no longer even able to play as formerly on an appearance of pluralism between “reformers” and “conservatives”. The great wave of protest aroused by the probably faked results of the 2009 presidential election was carried by a dignitary belonging to the first camp, Mir Hossein Moussavi. She testified to the conviction of a amendable regime. Twelve years later, this illusion has disappeared and the demonstrators chant “dead in the Islamic Republic”.
In accordance with a worn scenario to the rope, the two journalists who had published the first information on the death of Mahsa Amini, Niloufar Hamedi and Elaheh Mohammadi, were accused of having acted on behalf of the CIA. After the President of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron, ostensibly received Iranian dissidents at the Elysée on November 10, France was also implicated and accused of stirring up the troubles. Seven of his nationals are currently detained in Iran where they are accused of espionage. While the lever of international sanctions is already at its maximum, any form of solidarity expressed around the world with regard to the demonstrators is thus immediately recycled in plot hatched by supposed enemies of Iran.
The increasingly blind violence opposed to spontaneous movements that appear during funeral, in schools, or in the Tehran metro, is taken from the same manual. It aims to attract the demonstrators to the field, to justify an even more ruthless repression. The latter is illustrated by the first death sentences pronounced against protesters. This is a race towards the abyss to which the world is helping, helpless.