The Syrian Arab Republic was, in 1945, one of the six founding members of the Arab League, where it immediately played an active role. This commitment increased during the reign of Hafez al-Assad who, from 1970 to 2000, arose in chief of the lead of Arab nationalism, a fundamental dimension for the international legitimization of its absolutism.
His son Bashar, inheriting the “throne” dictatorial of Syria, also posed as a champion of a “United Arab Nation, carrying an eternal message”, as the official propaganda hammered. This means that the exclusion of Syria outside the Arab League in 2011 brought a severe blow to the self-comprehensive speech of the al-Assad regime. It was indeed not “imperialism” or “Zionism”, vilified by the government media, who thus sanctioned the master of Damascus, but indeed his “brothers” Arab. A sanction which, eleven years later, does not seem ready to be lifted.
grievances always valid
Unlike the photo that would see the only Westerners oppose Bashar al-Assad for his brutal repression of demonstrations, initially peaceful, of spring 2011, it was the Arab states that were the first to be collectively mobilized to put an end to bloodbath. In October 2011, they forced al-Assad to undertake to stop violence, to release all prisoners, to withdraw troops and artillery from Syrian cities, as well as to ensure the free movement of observers of the Arab League and international media.
The flagrant violation of such commitments leads to the following month the suspension of Syria by the Arab League. In January 2012, the Arab States decides in favor of a peaceful transfer of power, Bashar al-Assad putting his authority to his vice-president, responsible for initiating dialogue with the Syrian opposition in order to organize free elections , supervised by a government of national unity.
It is this “Arab Peace Plan” which, endorsed by the UN General Assembly in February 2012, constitutes the basis of mediation entrusted to Kofi Annan, until the former secretary general From the UN, confronted with the close-shop of al-Assad, throws in the towel the following summer. The temporary suspension of 2011 becomes a lasting exclusion from the Arab League, even if several Arab states continue to have an ambassador in Damascus.
This is obviously the case of Lebanon, whose relations are too intimate to be thus broken, against the backdrop of military engagement of Hezbollah alongside the al-Assad regime. The same reasoning prevails for Iraq, whose dependence on Iran prohibits him from boycotting the most solid ally of the Islamic Republic in the Arab world. As for Algeria, it continues to be seduced by “anti-imperialist” rhetoric in vogue in Damascus.
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