A historic event has occurred in Italy and the European Union. For the first time since, on June 2, 1946, the Italians chose the Republic by referendum, the presidency of the Council of Ministers will certainly return to a woman, Giorgia Meloni, who has a fascist past in a country whose constitution is anti -fascist. She has, in large part, broken with this past without completely repudiating it, and, oscillating between the desire to reassure and extremist temperament, she strives to transform Fratelli d’Italia into a radical right -wing party, with a populist, conservative and conservative style sometimes even reactionary. Among the many questions raised by this event, three of them deserve to be addressed.
First, how did Giorgia Meloni won? Fratelli d’Italia is not alone. It belongs to a coalition with the Matteo Salvini League, Forza Italia by Silvio Berlusconi and some tiny centrist parties. This coalition, beyond its differences, for example on Europe and the war in Ukraine, was perfectly adapted to the particularities of the voting system. It presented a single candidate in the majority uninominal colleges in a turn called to designate 37.5 % of deputies and senators. Faced with candidates of divided oppositions – from the center, from the Democratic Party of the left center and its small allies, of the 5 -star movement -, it made a raid. This triumph was therefore mechanically predictable.
The dominant position acquired by Fratelli d’Italia in the coalition constitutes another unprecedented fact. This party obtains, in the proportional part, 26 % of the votes in the Chamber of Deputies (4.3 % in 2018), in addition to the approximately 9 % of the League and 8 % of Forza Italia, giving a total of almost 44 % to a set either of the center right but on the right center.
Hence the second question: why did Giorgia Meloni take such ascendant? Since 1994, Italians have systematically chosen alternation. Now his party, born in 2012, has always been in opposition and appears to be new when it comes from an old political family. However, Giorgia Meloni does not just want to access power; It intends to represent the alternative, to solve the deep political distrust of the Italians (which attests to the abstention record, more than 36 %) and to remedy their social dissatisfaction.
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She leaves her traditional anchoring in the south, in Rome and in some corners of the Veneto, to spread everywhere, even becoming the first party in the North, to the detriment of the League. It evokes liberalism and tax cuts for some (while its party was “state”), social protection for others, and denounces, for everyone, migrants, insecurity, Islam, or the elites. She declines the theme of national identity, this historic question never really resolved by Italy since her unity, saying that she will defend the interests of her country, and proclaiming her pride of Italian.
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