The concept of a model of a model of tempered Scandinavian democracy until boredom has lived? The outcome of the legislative elections, which was held there on September 11, is apparently without appeal. Admittedly, the ballot was very tight: only three seats separate the right -wing parliamentary coalition which won from that of the left, and the solidity of the new majority is already subject to questions. It prevents. For the first time in the history of this country, the power will be exercised by a wider block to the radical right, embodied by the Party of the Democrats of Sweden, a training born of an openly neonazi party.
In the space of twelve years, this virulently anti-immigration party has quadrupled its representation, going from 5.7 % to 20.6 % of the votes. He thus became the second Swedish political force. Far behind the social democratic party of the outgoing Prime Minister (30.4 %), Magdalena Andersson, who will therefore have stayed less than a year in power, but before the main conservative party, which swapped for these elections the strategy of Health cord against that of the step. The latter was considered the only possible way, according to its leader, Ulf KrisSSON, to access power.
The results of this opportunistic calculation therefore question its relevance. By completing the integration of this hard line into the Swedish political game, the conservatives have powerfully helped its leader, Jimmie Akesson, in his dedication company. Immigration and insecurity, its favorite themes, have thus dominated the legislative campaign at the expense of other more fundamental as the fight against climate change. The Social Democrats, who hardened their positions towards migrants long before these elections, are also not impermeable. H2>
The electoral benefit that the Democrats of Sweden have withdrawn from the renunciation of the moderate right now places them at the heart of the new parliamentary coalition, without which Ulf KrisSson will not be able to govern. Even if they do not participate in the executive, they will certainly not hesitate to monitor their support dearly, by claiming important positions in Parliament, or by weighing their weight on the government contract of the new team. The conservatives wanted to make it an extra force, they are now the obligated.
The Swedish example of trivialization of the most radical right is far from isolated, starting in this part of Europe. Finland and Denmark have indeed opened the way, each time with a severe screw tour on migration policy, including on the part of social democratic governments.
In Italy, another coalition expanded to other far -right formations, including Fratelli d’Italia, the last avatar of the social movimento Italiano, of fascist ancestry, will try on September 25 to conquer power, for the benefit from the latter’s leader, Giorgia Meloni. She defends positions close to the Democrats of Sweden. The two parties also sit within the same group in the European Parliament, unlike the elected officials of the French national rally.
significant differences continue to separate these families from the European populist or national right, especially on NATO and Russia, but their constant progression is invariably at the expense of conservative parties. Far from being the salvation board they imagine, the hand stretched on the radical right carries in it, for them, an existential threat.