The battle between former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and the populist leader Moqtada al-Sadr aggravates the political and economic paralysis of the country.
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“The Iraqi State born after the [American] invasion of 2003 shows obvious signs of terminal disease.” This funeral diagnosis was made by the outgoing Minister of Finance, Ali Allawi, in his letter of resignation , August 16. Sur dix pages, l’ancien fonctionnaire de la World Bank, known for his professionalism, described by the menu the difficult mission that he has been since May 2020 in a “state put under the thumb of political parties and groups with particular interests”, including institutions and institutions and The economy is eaten away by “a octopus of corruption”. Fifteen years after a brief transition to the head of the institution, he found “a ministry which is nothing more than the shadow of himself”, where many key positions are occupied by individuals in the boot parties, without qualifications or experience.
This “act of death of the Iraqi political system”, according to the formula of political scientist Ihsan al-Shammari, surprised anyone in Iraq. The State has been working without budget for two years, and without full-service government since the legislative elections of October 2021. The paralysis born of the rivalry between the Shiite factions for the management of the country turned to the tense face-to-face, By sit-in interposed, since the populist leader Moqtada al-Sadr mobilized, on July 30, his supporters in the street to lead “the Revolution” against the corrupt. His opponents thus designated, at the forefront of which the former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki (2006-2014), erected as a symbol of a Kleptocratic oligarchy, and the Iranian militia parties of the al-Fatah coalition denounce, them, ” a coup “.
Reforming this sick state is the argument that Mr. Sadr opposes his opponents of the coordination framework. Heir to a revered Shiite religious dynasty, he has reinvented himself, since the emergence of an anti -owner protest movement in 2015, in the cantor of Iraqi nationalism and reformism. His enthusiasm approach beyond his partisan base. “Sadr can be a revolutionary leader like Ocalan [Kurdish leader in Imprisoned] or Fidel Castro”, welcomes Sarmad al-Tai, a journalist close to the government. But, in the eyes of Luay al-Khatteeb, former Minister of Electricity (2018-2020) and professor at the University of Exeter, “the real battle between Mr. Sadr and his rivals is for Shiite and ultimately domination State control “.
Personal animosity
Since the 2021 ballot has devoted it as the country’s first political force, Moqtada al-Sadr insists on forming a government without its rivals, breaking with the tradition established in 2003, based on a pact between the main parties of the Assembly, in particular a consensus between Shiites which call the Prime Minister. This pact ensures everyone a part of political and administrative positions and a stranglehold on the financial windfall of the State. “Mr. Sadr clearly said that if he was in power, he would do everything to rebuild a new political order, from which he would completely exclude them. It is an existential battle between Mr. Sadr and M. Maliki”, continues Mr. Al-khatteeb.
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